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Medical Cannabis Downscheduled to Schedule III: Trump's Policy Pivot and the Calculations Behind It


Medical Cannabis Downscheduled to Schedule III: Trump's Policy Pivot and the Calculations Behind It
Minh họa: Cần sa y tế xuống Schedule III: Cú xoay chính sách của Trump và những toan tính phía sau
Illustration by Saigon Sentinel AI

One Signature, $50 Billion, and an Unexpected Reversal

On April 23, 2026, the acting U.S. Attorney General signed an executive order moving medical cannabis from Schedule I — the most strictly prohibited category, on par with heroin and LSD — down to Schedule III, the same classification as ketamine and certain anabolic steroids. The order does not legalize cannabis at the federal level. It also does not touch recreational cannabis, which remains in Schedule I. But for the American cannabis industry — a market with estimated annual revenues exceeding $50 billion — this represents the largest change in more than half a century since the Controlled Substances Act of 1970 was enacted.

What is remarkable is not merely the content of the executive order, but who signed it and why they signed it at this moment. The Trump administration — re-elected largely thanks to a socially conservative coalition, and having just received a letter from over 20 Republican senators demanding cannabis remain in Schedule I — chose to go against its core voters. It is a political gamble whose rewards, if any materialize, must be large enough to offset the risks.

Legal Nature: What Changes and What Doesn't

Before diving into political analysis, the order must be clarified on what it actually does.

What DOES NOT change:

  • Cannabis possession remains a federal crime, subject to fines and imprisonment.

  • Selling or growing cannabis still carries sentences ranging from 5 years to life, depending on quantity.

  • Recreational cannabis remains in Schedule I, even in the 24 states that have legalized it.

  • Federal banks still cannot openly serve cannabis businesses without violating anti-money laundering laws.

What DOES change:

  • Medical cannabis — currently licensed in 40 states and Washington D.C. — moves to Schedule III.

  • Businesses selling medical cannabis can now deduct ordinary business expenses (marketing, rent, employee salaries) — something Section 280E of the Internal Revenue Code previously forbade absolutely for Schedule I and II substances.

  • Medical research into cannabis will become considerably easier — research institutions no longer need the stringent DEA licensing required for heroin.

  • The Department of Justice has scheduled a hearing on June 29, 2026 to consider rescheduling cannabis in general — meaning recreational cannabis as well.

The crucial point: this is step one, not the final step. And because it is step one, it is interesting.

Why Trump Did This — and Why Now

Typically, political analysis of Trump's executive orders begins with the question: who wins, who loses? In this case, the clear winner is the legal cannabis industry — particularly multistate operators (MSOs) like Curaleaf, Trulieve, and Green Thumb Industries. Stock prices for these companies surged within 48 hours of the order, with the AdvisorShares Pure US Cannabis ETF (MSOS) rising over 30%.

But the harder question is: why Trump?

There are three plausible explanations, and all three might be correct simultaneously.

First, financial calculations of his supporters. The cannabis industry has poured millions into PACs supporting Trump during the 2024 election cycle. Figures like Kim Rivers (CEO of Trulieve) and Wall Street investors with stakes in cannabis stocks have been lobbying the White House throughout 2025. For Trump — who makes decisions based on personal relationships and business interests — this is an effective form of pressure.

Second, hunger for tax revenue. By the first quarter of 2026, the federal budget deficit had exceeded projections, and the administration was seeking every way to increase revenue without raising nominal tax rates. A partially normalized cannabis industry will pay full corporate taxes — currently, due to Section 280E, many cannabis companies pay federal taxes exceeding their actual profits.

Third, differentiation from Biden. The Biden administration started the reclassification process in 2023 but never completed it. By signing the order, Trump both takes credit and reshapes the terms — particularly by limiting it to medical cannabis rather than all cannabis, a move that helps him maintain distance from the left.

Civil War Within the Republican Party

A letter from over 20 Republican senators in November 2025 — including close allies like Tom Cotton (Arkansas) and James Lankford (Oklahoma) — sent to Trump argued that reclassifying cannabis would erode the administration's anti-drug message and contradict the spirit of Make America Great Again. This letter was not merely advice; it was a warning.

Gallup data sheds light on this division.

Voter GroupSupport for Legalization 2023Support for Legalization 2025
Democrats87%85%
Independents69%66%
Republicans55%40%
Overall70%64%

A 15-percentage-point drop among Republican voters in just two years is extraordinary. It reflects a broader trend: the social conservative movement, driven by organizations like Smart Approaches to Marijuana (SAM) and parent groups concerned about adolescent mental health, has pushed cannabis back into cultural issue territory.

By signing this order, Trump is betting that the cannabis industry and moderate voters will remember him more favorably than his base will resent him. This is a risky calculation — and recent history shows Trump rarely loses base voters over specific policies.

Section 280E: The Real Economic Card

To understand the significance of this order for businesses, one must understand Section 280E of the U.S. Internal Revenue Code. Enacted in 1982 following a case involving a cocaine dealer, this provision prohibits any business selling Schedule I or II substances from deducting ordinary business expenses — except cost of goods sold.

In practical terms: a cannabis store in Colorado with $10 million in revenue and $8 million in operating costs (marketing, rent, salaries) theoretically nets $2 million in profit. But under Section 280E, the IRS taxes on nearly all revenue minus cost of goods, leaving effective tax rates of 70-90% of actual profits. Many cannabis businesses have gone bankrupt not due to poor sales, but due to taxes.

Moving to Schedule III removes this barrier — but only for medical cannabis. And this is where things become complicated.

Attorney Irina Dashevsky of Greenspoon Marder states plainly: most legal cannabis stores sell both medical and recreational products, using the same plants, processes, and employees. How do you separate advertising costs, rent, and employee salaries between the two segments? Attorney Rachel Gillette at Holland & Hart describes the situation as extremely messy.

The Department of Justice has recommended the Treasury Department apply tax deductions retroactively for entire tax years when businesses operated under state medical cannabis licenses. If approved, this could mean billions in refunds for the industry.

Public Health: Warnings from Experts

Not everyone is celebrating. Dr. Smita Das, a psychiatrist specializing in addiction at Stanford University, warns that cannabis use disorder — a clinical diagnosis in the DSM-5 for cannabis dependence — has increased across America alongside the wave of state-level legalization.

Data from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) in 2024 shows:

  • Over 64 million Americans aged 12 and older — 22% of the population — used cannabis in the past year.

  • This rate increased from 19% in 2021.

  • THC concentrations in commercial cannabis are now 3-4 times higher than in the 1990s.

Psychiatrists are particularly concerned about impacts on those under 25, when the brain is still developing. Studies from JAMA Psychiatry and The Lancet link high-potency cannabis use to increased risk of mental disorders, including psychosis in genetically at-risk groups.

Reclassification to Schedule III, even just for medical cannabis, will reduce public risk perception — the core concern of public health professionals. When the federal government places a substance alongside ketamine rather than heroin, the signal to consumers is: less dangerous.

The Vietnamese-American Community Perspective: A Niche Market and Legal Gray Zone

The Vietnamese-American community has a complex relationship with the legal cannabis industry, particularly in California and Oklahoma — two states with unusually high concentrations of Vietnamese cannabis cultivation operations.

In Northern California (Humboldt, Mendocino, Trinity counties), Vietnamese people have become a significant cannabis cultivation force since the mid-2010s, initially in illegal operations, later transitioning gradually to the legal market. In Oklahoma, which has the loosest medical cannabis laws in the country, federal investigators since 2022 have dismantled hundreds of farms operated by Vietnamese nationals — many allegedly accused of being fronts for interstate smuggling networks.

The reclassification order creates both opportunities and risks for this group:

Opportunities: Fully legal medical cannabis operators — holding state licenses, paying full taxes — will directly benefit from Section 280E tax deductions. With thin margins in the industry, these savings could mean the difference between survival and bankruptcy.

Risks: The reclassification does not legalize recreational cannabis at the federal level, and does not protect those operating in gray areas. Federal prosecutions targeting Vietnamese cannabis operators in Oklahoma and California will continue. For those holding green cards or seeking citizenship, any federal drug conviction still leads to deportation — regardless of cannabis's schedule.

This is the point Vietnamese immigration lawyers in Little Saigon (Westminster, Garden Grove) and San Jose repeatedly emphasize to clients: the April 23 order changes nothing about immigration law. A green card holder working at a legal cannabis store in California can still be denied citizenship because USCIS views such work as facilitating violation of federal law.

Moreover, the Vietnamese-American community has a high rate of small business ownership — nail salons, restaurants, services. Some have considered entering the cannabis industry due to attractive profit margins, but have been blocked by banking and tax barriers. If step two of the reclassification process — the June 29, 2026 hearing — leads to broader legalization, an influx of Vietnamese-American entrepreneurs into the industry could increase substantially.

International Comparison: America Still Lagging

To place this order in broader context: Canada legalized recreational cannabis nationwide in 2018. Germany legalized partially in 2024. Thailand — a conservative Buddhist nation — legalized medical cannabis in 2018 and decriminalized recreational use in 2022 (though reversing parts in 2024).

Vietnam maintains one of the region's strictest prohibition laws. Cannabis possession in Vietnam carries administrative or criminal penalties, and there is no medical cannabis program. Hanoi's government classifies cannabis alongside heroin and methamphetamine in the 2021 Drug Prevention Law.

The gap between global trends and Vietnamese policy has real implications for diaspora communities: Vietnamese-American travelers bringing legal CBD or medical cannabis products home to Vietnam face potential criminal prosecution. This is a risk many families do not fully appreciate.

Next Steps: The June 29, 2026 Hearing

The April 23 order is step one. Step two — the Department of Justice hearing on June 29, 2026 — will consider whether to reclassify cannabis in general, including recreational cannabis, to Schedule III or not.

The outcome of this hearing will determine three things:

  • One, whether the recreational cannabis industry — far larger than the medical sector — will benefit from tax reform. States like Colorado, California, and Washington are watching closely because their state tax revenues depend on industry health.
  • Two, whether pressure from the conservative Republican wing proves strong enough to hold Trump back at step two. If so, this order may mark the limit of reform under the current administration.
  • Three, whether Congress intervenes. Some Republican senators have threatened to use the Congressional Review Act to reverse the order — though this is unlikely because it would require majorities in both chambers.

Conclusion: A Cautious Step, Not a Revolution

The medical cannabis reclassification order is not a revolution. It does not legalize cannabis, does not solve the banking problem, does not protect immigrant workers in the industry from deportation risks. Nor does it erase the tens of thousands of federal drug convictions that have marked Americans — predominantly Black and Latino — over half a century of the war on drugs.

But it is real change, with measurable economic consequences, and most importantly: it puts cannabis on the path of federal reform for the first time since 1970. For the industry, that means unlocking billions of dollars. For public health, it raises new concerns about reduced risk perception. For the Vietnamese-American community working in the industry, it represents opportunity mingled with unresolved immigration risks.

The real story will be written on June 29 at the Department of Justice hearing. That is when Trump must choose: stop halfway, or walk the whole road that most Americans — but not most of his voters — want to travel.

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